January 2002 -- In recent decades, friends of liberty have celebrated the new economy not only for the tangible benefits it brings but also for its promise of liberation. Technology has dramatically increased the mobility of people, capital, and information, and thus provided them with escape routes from the heavy hand of government. In a global capital market, for example, where a mouse-click can send money across borders in a microsecond, central bankers in Washington, London, Tokyo, and elsewhere can no longer impose onerous controls with impunity.
E-commerce with strong encryption, some have argued, will prove impossible for governments to tax, and the Internet will undermine governments' power to censor information. Some theorists have confidently predicted that the nation-state will become obsolete. How can you rule people and things that won't stay put?
In an ironic parallel, the 1980s and 1990s saw the rise of mobile, stateless aggression. Trade and coercion are opposite modes of human interaction. Yet as global trade expanded, so did the global reach of terrorists, from the Marxist Carlos the Jackal to the Islamic fundamentalist Osama bin Laden. They increased their capacity to kill and destroy by using the same new-economy tools—cell phones, financial networks, cheap travel—that businesses used to create wealth. While financiers were moving capital to countries with the strongest commitment to freedom and the rule of law, terrorists were moving their training camps to the least free, most dictatorial countries. Terrorists formed multinational consortia whose executive and operating units moved fluidly across borders. And they posed a problem for governments whose citizens they harmed: How can you fight a war against an enemy with no address—no capital city, no territory, no army in the field?
That was the question on everyone's mind when President Bush declared war on terrorists after September 11. Now we have the answer. The borders they crossed so fluidly can be patrolled. Their training camps can be bombed. Their cell-phone calls can be intercepted. Their funds can be frozen. And their leaders can be found. To be is to be somewhere, and even if the elusive bin Laden escapes the manhunt in Afghanistan, he and his lieutenants are on the run.
Freedom must still be defended the old-fashioned way: by persuasion, and politics, and eternal vigilance.
By the same token, governments have proven all too capable of controlling speech and commerce when they choose to exert the will. Since September 11, the United States government has sought new controls on banking, airline travel, immigration, and Internet communications--measures that, even if justified, have rightly alarmed friends of liberty. No one is currently arguing that such controls are of no concern because technology will render them unenforceable.
Elsewhere, as Patrick Stephens noted recently in Navigator ("The Internet in Closed Societies ," July-August 2001), authoritarian countries have found ways to censor Internet speech by controlling access-providers. The Associated Press recently reported that Chinese authorities have shut down more than 17,000 Internet bars for failing to block Web sites considered subversive or pornographic, and ordered another 28,000 to install software to block restricted Web sites and keep records of user activities. Like the terrorists, the innocent and productive rely on infrastructure that can be controlled: phone lines, computer networks, Internet access providers, airports.
We can be relieved that the mobility of terrorists has not, after all, made them immune to retaliation. They have not reached escape velocity from the force of government. But neither have those engaged in honest speech and commerce. The ability to flee an oppressive government has always been a bulwark of freedom—but only when there was a freer place to go. That is still true. Cyberspace offers no escape from the necessity of being somewhere—which is to say, within reach of some government. The new economy may swell the tide of freedom where it is already on the rise, but freedom must still be defended the old-fashioned way: by persuasion, and politics, and eternal vigilance.
This article was originally published in the January 2002 issue of Navigator magazine, The Atlas Society precursor to The New Individualist.
David Kelley fundou a Sociedade Atlas em 1990 e serviu como Director Executivo até 2016. Além disso, como Director Intelectual, foi responsável pela supervisão do conteúdo produzido pela organização: artigos, vídeos, palestras em conferências, etc. Reformado da TAS em 2018, continua activo nos projectos TAS e continua a fazer parte do Conselho de Curadores.
Kelley é um filósofo, professor e escritor profissional. Após ter obtido um doutoramento em filosofia pela Universidade de Princeton em 1975, entrou para o departamento de filosofia da Faculdade de Vassar, onde leccionou uma grande variedade de cursos a todos os níveis. Também ensinou filosofia na Universidade Brandeis e leccionou frequentemente em outros campi.
Os escritos filosóficos de Kelley incluem obras originais em ética, epistemologia e política, muitas delas desenvolvendo ideias objectivistas em nova profundidade e novas direcções. Ele é o autor de A Evidência dos Sentidos, um tratado de epistemologia; Verdade e Tolerância no Objectivismo, sobre questões do movimento Objectivista; Individualismo sem robustez: A Base Egoísta da Benevolência; e A Arte da Raciocínio, um manual de lógica introdutória amplamente utilizado, agora na sua 5ª edição.
Kelley deu palestras e publicou sobre uma vasta gama de tópicos políticos e culturais. Os seus artigos sobre questões sociais e políticas públicas apareceram em Harpers, The Sciences, Reason, Harvard Business Review, The Freeman, On Principle, e noutros locais. Durante a década de 1980, escreveu frequentemente para a Barrons Financial and Business Magazine sobre questões como o igualitarismo, imigração, leis de salário mínimo, e Segurança Social.
O seu livro Uma Vida Própria: Direitos Individuais e o Estado Providência é uma crítica às premissas morais do Estado social e à defesa de alternativas privadas que preservam a autonomia, a responsabilidade e a dignidade individuais. A sua aparição no ABC/TV especial "Ganância" de John Stossel, em 1998, suscitou um debate nacional sobre a ética do capitalismo.
Especialista reconhecido internacionalmente em Objectivismo, deu amplas palestras sobre Ayn Rand, as suas ideias, e as suas obras. Foi consultor para a adaptação cinematográfica de Atlas Encolhidoe editor de Atlas Encolhido: O Romance, os Filmes, a Filosofia.
"Conceitos e Natureza: A Commentary on The Realist Turn (de Douglas B. Rasmussen e Douglas J. Den Uyl)", Reason Papers 42, no. 1, (Verão 2021); Esta crítica de um livro recente inclui um mergulho profundo na ontologia e epistemologia dos conceitos.
As Fundações do Conhecimento. Seis palestras sobre a epistemologia Objectivista.
"The Primacy of Existence" e "The Epistemology of Perception", The Jefferson School, San Diego, Julho de 1985
"Universals and Induction", duas conferências nas conferências da GKRH, Dallas e Ann Arbor, Março de 1989
"Cepticismo", Universidade de York, Toronto, 1987
"The Nature of Free Will", duas conferências no The Portland Institute, Outubro de 1986
"The Party of Modernity", Cato Policy Report, Maio/Junho de 2003; e Navigator, Nov 2003; Um artigo amplamente citado sobre as divisões culturais entre os pontos de vista pré-modernos, modernos (Iluminismo) e pós-modernos.
"I Don't Have To"(IOS Journal, Volume 6, Número 1, Abril de 1996) e "I Can and I Will"(The New Individualist, Outono/Inverno 2011); peças de acompanhamento para tornar real o controlo que temos sobre as nossas vidas como indivíduos.