InícioThe State of The Union and The Culture of ResponsibilityEducaçãoUniversidade Atlas
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The State of The Union and The Culture of Responsibility

The State of The Union and The Culture of Responsibility

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4 de Abril de 2010

January 30, 2002 -- In his powerful State of the Union address, President Bush gave voice to the two deepest truths of a free society: that the essential function of its government is to provide security, and that it depends on a culture of responsibility.

On the first of these themes, his words were as clear and forceful as his actions have been in waging the war on terrorism. Looking beyond the immediate threat, he set a long-term goal of eliminating terrorist networks and the regimes that sponsor them. And looking beyond the physical threat, he identified the underlying conflict of values: “They embrace tyranny and death as a cause and a creed….We choose freedom and the dignity of every life.”

In calling for “a new culture of responsibility,” however, Mr. Bush gave us only part of the truth—and not the most important part. Responsibility, he said, means service to our neighbors and to the country, the pursuit of “goals larger than self.” He called upon us to give two years of our lives as volunteers in civil defense or in charitable work at home or abroad.

There’s no denying that free men and women take responsibility for maintaining the fabric of their society by helping those who suffer through no fault of their own, especially in the case of emergencies like September 11. On that awful day, and the days that followed, Americans responded with extraordinary initiative, setting an example to the world of how free people deal with disaster. We did not wait for the government to tell us what to do. We did not wait for disaster relief from other countries. Rescue workers rushed to the scene and did their jobs, despite the risk. So many people volunteered to give blood that hospitals had to turn many of them away. We opened our checkbooks and sent hundreds of millions of dollars to help the victims.

But life is not a series of emergencies, and responsibility is not primarily a matter of obligations to others. Our deepest responsibility is to ourselves: to set our goals in life as individuals and to pursue them by our own efforts. That means providing for our needs through honest work, acquiring the knowledge and skill it takes to succeed in life, caring for our children and helping them grow, making time for the friends and family who bring us joy, and attending to our physical and spiritual health. Freedom and responsibility are two sides of the same resolve to take charge of our lives. It is only when we do so that we have the resources to help others.

Freedom and responsibility are linked, but that’s not because responsibility is the price we pay for the privilege of freedom. Freedom is not a privilege; it is a right. America was founded on the principle of individualism, the principle that every person is an end in himself, with the right to pursue his own happiness, and that government is the servant of the people, not the other way around. America is not a tribe. It is not a family. It is a nation whose common institutions protect the freedom of individuals to live their private, personal lives. This is what the terrorists hate about us, what they sought to destroy, and what we rallied to defend.

If President Bush truly wishes to promote a culture of responsibility, his first priority should be to remove the obstacles that government itself has placed in the way. He should vigorously pursue the privatization of Social Security, so that we can take charge of planning and investing for our own retirement. He should renew his call for vouchers in education so that we can take real responsibility for our children’s education. He should not be offering prescription drugs or other new benefits that only make us more dependent on government, and will inevitably erode our freedom.

A freer country would be a more responsible country, and a stronger one. And a government that knew its limits would be stronger, too—better able to pursue that mission of peace and security that President Bush has so brilliantly begun.

David Kelley, Ph.D.
About the author:
David Kelley, Ph.D.

David Kelley fundou a Sociedade Atlas em 1990 e serviu como Director Executivo até 2016. Além disso, como Director Intelectual, foi responsável pela supervisão do conteúdo produzido pela organização: artigos, vídeos, palestras em conferências, etc. Reformado da TAS em 2018, continua activo nos projectos TAS e continua a fazer parte do Conselho de Curadores.

Kelley é um filósofo, professor e escritor profissional. Após ter obtido um doutoramento em filosofia pela Universidade de Princeton em 1975, entrou para o departamento de filosofia da Faculdade de Vassar, onde leccionou uma grande variedade de cursos a todos os níveis. Também ensinou filosofia na Universidade Brandeis e leccionou frequentemente em outros campi.

Os escritos filosóficos de Kelley incluem obras originais em ética, epistemologia e política, muitas delas desenvolvendo ideias objectivistas em nova profundidade e novas direcções. Ele é o autor de A Evidência dos Sentidos, um tratado de epistemologia; Verdade e Tolerância no Objectivismo, sobre questões do movimento Objectivista; Individualismo sem robustez: A Base Egoísta da Benevolência; e A Arte da Raciocínio, um manual de lógica introdutória amplamente utilizado, agora na sua 5ª edição.

Kelley deu palestras e publicou sobre uma vasta gama de tópicos políticos e culturais. Os seus artigos sobre questões sociais e políticas públicas apareceram em Harpers, The Sciences, Reason, Harvard Business Review, The Freeman, On Principle, e noutros locais. Durante a década de 1980, escreveu frequentemente para a Barrons Financial and Business Magazine sobre questões como o igualitarismo, imigração, leis de salário mínimo, e Segurança Social.

O seu livro Uma Vida Própria: Direitos Individuais e o Estado Providência é uma crítica às premissas morais do Estado social e à defesa de alternativas privadas que preservam a autonomia, a responsabilidade e a dignidade individuais. A sua aparição no ABC/TV especial "Ganância" de John Stossel, em 1998, suscitou um debate nacional sobre a ética do capitalismo.

Especialista reconhecido internacionalmente em Objectivismo, deu amplas palestras sobre Ayn Rand, as suas ideias, e as suas obras. Foi consultor para a adaptação cinematográfica de Atlas Encolhidoe editor de Atlas Encolhido: O Romance, os Filmes, a Filosofia.

 

Trabalho principal (seleccionado):

"Conceitos e Natureza: A Commentary on The Realist Turn (de Douglas B. Rasmussen e Douglas J. Den Uyl)", Reason Papers 42, no. 1, (Verão 2021); Esta crítica de um livro recente inclui um mergulho profundo na ontologia e epistemologia dos conceitos.

As Fundações do Conhecimento. Seis palestras sobre a epistemologia Objectivista.

"The Primacy of Existence" e "The Epistemology of Perception", The Jefferson School, San Diego, Julho de 1985

"Universals and Induction", duas conferências nas conferências da GKRH, Dallas e Ann Arbor, Março de 1989

"Cepticismo", Universidade de York, Toronto, 1987

"The Nature of Free Will", duas conferências no The Portland Institute, Outubro de 1986

"The Party of Modernity", Cato Policy Report, Maio/Junho de 2003; e Navigator, Nov 2003; Um artigo amplamente citado sobre as divisões culturais entre os pontos de vista pré-modernos, modernos (Iluminismo) e pós-modernos.

"I Don't Have To"(IOS Journal, Volume 6, Número 1, Abril de 1996) e "I Can and I Will"(The New Individualist, Outono/Inverno 2011); peças de acompanhamento para tornar real o controlo que temos sobre as nossas vidas como indivíduos.

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